Commemorative supplement to the Phnom
Penh Post on the auspicious occasion of the 76th Birthday
of His Majesty Preah Bat Samdech Preah Norodom Sihanouk,
King of Cambodia October 31, 1998
from His Majesty the King
Royal Ballet under the reign of King Sihanouk
suffering of the people...the suffering of the King
Message from His Majesty the King
I appreciate the invitation from the editor of the
Phnom Penh Post to publish this message on the occasion
of my 76th birthday, and I take this opportunity to pay
tribute to the quality and objectivity of the information
made available through your paper.
So it is that readers of the Phnom Penh Post are
regularly informed of my activities in the service of my
country and people. They are also aware of the extent to
which I am appealed to through correspondences from
people who, choosing deliberately to side-step my advice
and recommendations, hold me responsible for the degraded
situation that prevails in the Kingdom and exhort me to
promote democracy and respect for human rights even more.
Fair-minded observers, however, are very familiar with
the efforts that I have unceasingly put forth to work for
national reconciliation, the spirit of compromise, mutual
tolerance, the disavowal of any recourse to violence,
bloody repression and serious crime that goes totally
unpunished. I have unceasingly exhorted our elected
representatives and our leaders in charge of the
executive to put among their priorities a policy of
sustainable development, friendly to our natural
environment, to put an end to the rampant deforestation,
the brazen looting of our resources, the overly glaring
social inequity, to promote literacy, education, public
health, acceleration of the process of eradicating
landmines and other types of deadly ordnance that pollute
our land and continue to claim so many innocent victims.
I have firmly enjoined them to put an end to all forms
of corruption and prevarication, to pursue relentlessly
the operators of illegal trafficking, including
narcotics, and those many other businesses that involve
the massive exploitation of young women and children of
both sexes in organized prostitution - this country sadly
holds the world record for AIDS - or underground labor
networks, as well as the kidnapping of Khmer and foreign
public figures to extract a ransom out of them.
The first mission of a government worthy of that name
is to ensure public security, promote any development
that is of priority benefit to the domestic market and
public consumption, eradicate the great poverty and
extreme privation that are still the hallmarks of our
little people, open up the isolated regions, see to it
that the judicial administration objectively fulfills its
role, that the armed forces and security forces are able
to perform their public service mission loyally and
effectively.
My expectation of the newly-elected National Assembly
is that it passes laws in keeping with these objectives,
that the Government resulting from the vote of our people
will take measures in keeping with the aspirations of the
people and the general interests of our nation. Of
course, the spirit of compromise that should inspire all
of our political officials must lead to the appointment
of competent, responsible men and women to the highest
positions of State.
A country such as Cambodia that has been made very
vulnerable, indeed bled dry, by so many years of
suffering and whose borders from before 1970 are still
not internationally recognized and guaranteed, cannot
afford to more or less give up its sovereignty in
consideration for joining a free-trade zone, which can
only be negotiated, in the interests of all parties on a
one-to-one basis with our partners, starting with our own
interests.
Such an eventuality can only be contemplated when the
Kingdom will be possessed of the instruments of its
sovereignty: a reliable and truly operational
administration, police forces with the ability to
sustainably ensure public security, an
adequately-equipped, coherent army, driven by a patriotic
spirit, capable of defending our territorial integrity to
the exclusion of other more questionable missions. With
its porous, "mobile" borders, our national
territory is open to all forms of smuggling.
A policy of public cleanup is therefore necessary.
This fundamental concern should transcend all political
cleavages and become the priority objective of the
Government. Political stability along with a management
of public affairs that is sound, honest, transparent and
pro-people is the necessary condition for bringing about
a climate of confidence conducive to the arrival of
serious investors. It is also a prerequisite for our
Kingdom to recover its credibility abroad with
international organizations and for it to regain its seat
at the United Nations.
The international community has poured billions of
dollars into the reconstruction of Cambodia in the form
of multinational and bilateral aid and NGO operations. It
bears its share of responsibility for the proper
management and dispersal of the available funding
packages.
As for me, I have always exhorted donors to
scrupulously verify from A to Z the dispersal of funding
assistance and the use of human resources, for the
exclusive use of their beneficiaries and in the
perspective of an eventual take-over by our Khmer
compatriots. This absolute necessity for thoroughness in
monitoring the operations undertaken is a matter of
urgency in this period of international monetary crisis.
We Cambodians are extremely grateful to the
international community for the massive assistance
offered for the rehabilitation of the Kingdom after so
many years of indescribable suffering and turpitude.
But certain powers would pride themselves in promoting
political harmony in Cambodia rather than fanning the
embers by giving their support, open or clandestine, to
such and such a contending clan or pressure group.
Such is the price attached to the future of Cambodia
as a nation and people, free and prosperous. Except that
there are those who wish to see its summary
disappearance, something that will always appeal to
conspirators acting out of faintheartedness or love of
easy gain.
The Royal Ballet under the reign of
King Sihanouk
by Julio A. Jeldres
King Norodom Sihanouk succeeded King Monivong in 1941
at the young age of nineteen. The Protectorate
authorities which had chosen King Sihanouk because he
was, in their view, the most "manageable" among
the Khmer princes that could be King, used the King's
young age to transfer the administration of the Royal
Palace to the Cambodian government, which was under the
control of the French authorities.
This new arrangement almost finished the Royal Ballet
and matters were not helped by the RÈsident SupÈrieur,
who, apparently disinterested in Khmer customs,
traditions and arts, informed Princess Kossamak that the
Royal Ballet had to be sacrificed in the new drive for
economic savings. The RÈsident SupÈrieur also felt that
the private troupe of Say Sangvann could be used when a
classical dance troupe was required for Palace
ceremonies. Princess Kossomak strongly objected to this
arrangement proposed by the French authorities but she
was unable to change the mind of the RÈsident
SupÈrieur, who was bent on saving 600 Riels a month for
the upkeep of the Royal Ballet.
With the help of her son, the newly-crowned King,
Princess Kossomak decided that it was necessary at all
costs to preserve the Royal Ballet. King Sihanouk
provided a monthly allowance from his own limited
resources and the Royal Palace authorities were
instructed to provide lodging for the Royal dancers, some
of whom had served under two or even three Kings and as
soon as the six months of official mourning for King
Monivong were over, training of the Royal Ballet began
again as it had been done in the past.
Princess Kossomak also managed to gather all the
former teachers of the Royal Ballet and they returned to
the Royal Palace to assist in the training of new
recruits. They had all been first dancers of the Royal
Ballet under previous Kings and each was an expert in one
particular role of the many interpreted by the Royal
Troupe.
Thus Princess Kossomak became not only the protector
of the Royal Ballet but also a kind of director, playing
a leading role in the training and changes undertaken by
the troupe. A new choreography, a new order of events
were drawn up for classical dances and the customs were
completely restored and the Royal Ballet was able to put
on a wonderful performance on the occasion of the State
visit to Cambodia of Emperor Bao Dai of Annam (Vietnam)
in 1942.
But is seems that the French authorities were still
not happy with the re-born Royal Ballet and they again
expressed their disapproval of the program and suggested
the troupe's replacement by the private troupe of Svay
Sangvann. King Sihanouk decided that it was time to use
his Royal power to protect the Royal Ballet and after a
dinner given on the occasion of his birthday, he
presented to his guests the new program of the new Royal
Ballet, which definitively won the admiration of those
present including the French authorities.
In this way, the Royal Ballet became the sole
depository of Khmer classical dancing traditions and in
1962 the Royal Ballet was given an administrative
statute, similar to that possessed by national companies
in Europe, such as the Royal Ballet of the United
Kingdom. The statute made clear provisions for every
administrative contingency. In 1962, staff of the Royal
Ballet included two professors, 17 dancing-mistresses,
one principal dancer, five first dancers, 25 dancers, 160
students, 14 dressers and make-up women, four dressmakers
and six apprentices, six custodians of the jewellery, 10
singers, four buffoons, 24 musicians and four musical
students.
Princess Kossomak became Queen Kossomak Nearireath,
upon the abdication of King Norodom Sihanouk in 1955 and
she ensured that the Royal Ballet became one of
Cambodia's most loved and respected institutions. The
Royal Ballet made several trips abroad and was always
perceived as a splendid ambassador for Cambodia.
After the coup d'Ètat of General Lon Nol in March
1970, the Royal Ballet suffered another blow as the
monarchy was abolished with all things related to the
ancient institution. The Royal Ballet went through a
period of turmoil as different military officers tried to
lure dancers into private troupes formed by their wives
or concubines. The Royal Ballet's jewellery disappeared
and its staff were dispersed. The Royal Palace itself
became a museum and Queen Kossomak was held under house
arrest. The republicans were not interested in the
ancient traditions of the Kings of Angkor.
The republicans did not last long and in 1975 they
were overthrown by the Khmer Rouge, who established a
Marxist state where Royal dancing had no place. Many
dancers from what was left of the Royal troupe died under
terrible conditions and the few survivors hid themselves
until after the Vietnamese army had driven the Khmer
Rouge away.
The People's Republic of Kampuchea kept the Royal
Palace as a museum and the survivors of the Royal Ballet
were given space at the Tonle Bassac Theater to rehearse
and train new recruits. Later on, responsibility of the
dance troupe was transferred to the School of Fine Arts.
The troupe was allowed to make a trip abroad in the late
80s but the trip ended with the disappearance of some
dancers who asked for political asylum in the United
States and further trips were immediately halted and
dancers considered untrustworthy by the government.
Following the Paris Peace Agreements of October 1991,
King Sihanouk and other members of the Royal Cambodian
Family returned to Cambodia from exile abroad. Princess
Buppha Devi, daughter of King Sihanouk, who had achieved
renown during the late 60s as principal dancer of the
Royal Ballet, was appointed Vice Minister of Culture and
given responsibility for reinvigorating a new dance troup
that soon afterwards became the Royal Cambodian Ballet.
With the restoration of the monarchy in Cambodia in
September 1993, the Royal Ballet was restored to its
previous position as a "national treasure" and
the graceful dancers continued to provide joy as well as
hope to a great and ancient people still troubled by the
scars of so many years of civil warfare.
-Julio A. Jeldres, His Majesty the King's
official biographer, is the author of the soon-to-be
published book "The Royal Palace of Phnom Penh and
Cambodian Royal Life".
The suffering of the people...the suffering of the King
by Chea Vannath
On the occasion of His Majesty King Norodom Sihanouk's
76th birthday, Chea Vannath, President of the Center for
Social Development, reflects on the King's sentiments
toward his beloved people, through his speeches at the
inauguration of the Constituent Assembly on June 14,
1993, and the opening ceremony of the Second Legislature
of the National Assembly on September 24, 1998.
In his 1993 speech, addressing the 120 newly-elected
Members of the Constituent Assembly, the King (then
President of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia)
clearly had high hopes for the new democratic future of
Cambodia. The following are excerpts from an unofficial
translation:
"The people of Cambodia ask you to achieve peace,
national reconciliation, national unity, and an end to
civil war throughout our country."
"The people of Cambodia ask you to make Cambodia
a true liberal democracy, unconfounded by anarchy,
autocracy, single party rule or violations of human
rights."
"The people of Cambodia ask you to give absolute
priority to raising the standard of living of the
poverty-stricken and the farmers, who together make up
more than 80% of the population."
"The people of Cambodia ask you to revive the
agricultural prosperity of the 1950s and 1960s, by
proceeding with a extensive program of reforestation, as
30% of our forests have disappeared in the last years,
and by practical investment in irrigation."
"The people of Cambodia ask you to stop the
pillage of our national treasures, and restore Angkor to
its former glory."
"The people of Cambodia ask you to provide a
complete and modern education for our children, so that
they can construct a bright future for our country."
The King ended his speech:
"Finally, I appeal solemnly to all parties to
give our beloved Cambodia national, political and
administrative unity, to urgently stop the partition of
the country and to restore a peace that no-one can
destroy."
Five years and three months later, the King's solemn
appeal has not been answered, and the country and its
people have suffered from the lack of vision, commitment,
and accountability. The King expressed his deep concerns
to the 122 newly-elected National Assembly Members in
Siem Reap city on September 24, 1998. It was clear from
his language that the King took the turmoil of the
country and the suffering of his beloved people very
seriously and personally. The following are excerpts from
his speech:
"I ask you to kindly reach an honorable
compromise among Khmers, a national reconciliation, an
agreement not to return to national division, to internal
quarrels and battles, killing and civil war, and to see
to it that the Cambodians of the 'new' Cambodia have a
reputation and dignity worthy of a race which claims
Angkor as its own."
"I ask our new National Assembly to see to it
that a new Royal Government of Cambodia come to life, as
a symbol of national reconciliation, union and
solidarity, an example of non-corruption, a good
architect capable of rehabilitating and rebuilding
Cambodia, and able to make an effort and sacrifices so
that our country can rapidly rise out of the state of
underdevelopment and develop in all useful domains, and
this for the happiness, peaceful prosperity and freedom
of our people."
"Our new National Assembly and our new Royal
Government have the duty and the obligation to fight
deforestation, the destruction of our natural
resources."
"We must refurbish our nation's forests, fight
the extreme poverty of a portion of our population with
perseverance, faith and force, particularly now when an
increasing number of villages lack food."
"We must show resoluteness and method in fighting
the most dangerous diseases afflicting an increasing
number of our compatriots, babies, children, adults, the
aged, both men and women."
"Our People's future is in serious jeopardy. We
must fight the landmines which are still in our
soil."
"It is our obligation to turn our Cambodia into a
law-abiding state in all its aspects and characteristics
and to respect all parts and articles of our 1993
Constitution, both literally and in its spirit."
"We must scrupulously respect human rights,
women's rights and children's rights."
"Finally, Cambodia must become an authentic
liberal democracy. Our people, our monks, so fond of
justice, peace and freedom in non-violence, are claiming
such a state and rightly so."
"May our eminent representatives not lose sight
of the fact that our people are first and foremost
claiming peace with freedom."
These desperate appeals for peace show the depth of
the King Sihanouk's suffering for his people.
As a constitutional monarch, freed from the burden of
wielding major political power, the King has a clear
vision for the future of Cambodia - a vision others would
be wise to share. He remains a source of great moral
authority for the people, and a symbol of hope for peace,
with dignity, for the country.
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